Loose talk

OVER the weekend, Punjab Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz made a statement at a public event that caused quite a stir. Striking a parochial note unbecoming of a public representative, the CM remarked that the threat to Punjab is “less from neighbouring countries and more from my neighbouring provinces”. For a political leader to take such an exclusivist position — one that sits uneasily alongside any aspiration to national leadership — is ill-advised. Referring to the bordering provinces, the CM said: “Terrorism enters Punjab from there. Everyone has their eyes on Punjab, but, thank God, Punjab remains safe. The kind of threats we face come from all our provincial borders.” She appeared to be contrasting her province’s ‘better management’ of law and order, militancy and related challenges with the crises other provinces continue to face. The Punjab information minister later sought to clarify that the CM was merely referring to the movement of terrorists across borders and never intended to target any ethnic community or province. Still, several political leaders took exception to the insinuation that terrorism is not Punjab’s problem but one for the other provinces to deal with.

Opposition parties denounced the remarks as insulting, divisive and damaging to national unity. Many saw them as portraying KP and Balochistan as sources of terrorism rather than as long-suffering victims of it. That anger should be acknowledged. Both provinces have borne the brunt of terrorism, making countless sacrifices for decades. It is irresponsible to suggest, no matter how obliquely, that the pain they have suffered is theirs alone to bear. Terrorism and militancy represent a breakdown of the social contract — one that is simply more visible on the peripheries than in the heartland. Just because the heartland is comparatively stable does not mean it has no responsibility towards the rest of the federation. There is no place for casual provincialism in a society as heterogeneous as Pakistan. Leaders who ‘other-ise’ their opponents to capitalise on social prejudices are sowing the seeds for even greater instability. They believe this will solidify their legitimacy in the eyes of their constituents and consequently strengthen their hold on power. Instead, it will fracture society further and make it much more ungovernable. There is a reason the Quaid laid so much stress on unity. That emphasis must be reflected on.

Published in Dawn, September 10th, 2026

Wrong target

THERE is a difference between enforcing immigration law and punishing students for the passport they carry. The Pakistan Medical and Dental Council’s decision to bar Afghan nationals from medical and dental admissions this session, while requiring those already enrolled to return home, crosses that line. The ostensible rationale is not difficult to discern. Relations with Kabul are badly strained and Pakistan is pressing ahead with its repatriation drive. The government has the right to regulate entry, residence and national security. But none of that explains why students studying through recognised institutions, particularly those with valid documentation, should have their education abruptly terminated. Indeed, the Foreign Office says visa-extension applications from Afghan students continue to be processed under existing rules, making the blanket nature of the PMDC directive even harder to defend.

For many Afghan students, return can amount to the destruction of an educational future. Afghanistan’s higher-education system is in tatters, while the Taliban’s restrictions have made prospects especially bleak for women. Girls remain barred from secondary school and women from university, and female medical education has also been suspended. To send students back into such an environment after they have secured places, paid fees and completed years of study is cruel. Pakistan’s anger over cross-border terrorism and Kabul’s failure to act against terrorist sanctuaries is justified. But students are not the Taliban government, nor should they be made instruments of bilateral pressure. At minimum, those legally enrolled should be allowed to complete their degrees, while new admissions can be reviewed under transparent visa and security rules. Pakistan has sheltered generations of Afghans, often at considerable cost. That history should not now end in a policy that mistakes vulnerability for culpability. Security policy can be firm without becoming indiscriminate. The state must withdraw this measure.

Published in Dawn, September 10th, 2026

GSP+ concerns

PAKISTAN’S preferential trade access to the European Union could be at risk. Brussels has cautioned that Islamabad can no longer assume continued trade concessions from the bloc. The warning comes at a critical moment in trade ties between the two. The current GSP+ scheme expires at the end of this year, with Pakistan seeking to enter into a successor arrangement — that has tougher conditions. The EU ambassador’s view that the outcome is “not certain” highlights a problem that extends beyond immediate negotiations. To preserve preferential access to its largest export market, Islamabad must prove it can meet the commitments it made under the programme. As the ambassador put it, “GSP+ preferences cannot be taken for granted”. Such unusually blunt language from a diplomat is significant, particularly for a trade arrangement worth more than €7bn a year to Pakistani exporters.

The GSP+ issue is also a test of whether Pakistan is prepared to honour its international commitments. The economy has benefited enormously from preferential access to the European market since 2014. That dependence makes Brussels’ latest warning especially serious. The European Commission’s 2023-25 assessment has found regression in several areas. It noted that improvements in legislation had not translated sufficiently into implementation. Its concerns included enforced disappearances, curbs on free expression, weak judicial independence and forced labour. Islamabad’s contention that the assessment lacks balance does not address these concerns. The successor scheme raises the bar, expanding coverage from 27 to 32 conventions. Pakistan has ratified the five additional conventions. But that is only a formal requirement. Brussels is now looking more closely at whether Islamabad is implementing them and wants evidence. Disputing Brussels’ findings cannot compensate for shortcomings in implementation when the successor framework explicitly places greater weight on enforcement. Hence, Islamabad faces the tough challenge of securing entry into the new framework. To do so, it must ensure that the deficiencies identified in the assessment do not put the EU’s existing preferences at risk during the transition. Treating the matter as diplomatic disagreement would be short-sighted. The issue is one of credibility, and Islamabad must show, through concrete actions, that its international commitments are more than promises on paper.

Published in Dawn, September 9th, 2026

Joint tourism push

THE federal government’s plan to assume responsibility for seven roads spanning 464km across Gilgit-Baltistan is a welcome step towards improving access to one of Pakistan’s greatest tourism assets. The routes connect major destinations including Astore, Deosai, Skardu, Khaplu, Shigar and Naltar, and their rehabilitation and maintenance by the National Highway Authority could address a persistent weakness in GB’s tourism economy: unreliable connectivity. Landslides, flash floods, avalanches and glacial lake outburst floods frequently sever road links, stranding visitors and residents alike and disrupting travel plans. Better roads backed by federal funding can therefore do more than shorten journeys; they can make travel safer, more predictable and more attractive to tourists. Reliable access can also encourage longer stays and repeat visits. The proposed toll on visitors may also be reasonable if locals are exempt and the proceeds are transparently used for road upkeep and related infrastructure.

However, roads alone will not unlock GB’s tourism potential. The centre and the GB government should use this initiative as the basis for a broader, coordinated strategy covering resilient infrastructure, emergency response, telecommunications, sanitation, waste management and reliable information on weather and road conditions. Tourist growth must also be managed carefully to protect GB’s fragile mountain environment. Local hotel owners, transporters, guides and small businesses should be involved in planning so that tourism generates livelihoods for communities rather than merely adding congestion and environmental pressure. Islamabad can provide resources and national-level infrastructure capacity, while the GB administration brings local understanding of regional needs. The two should also work together to promote lesser-known destinations, easing pressure on established tourist centres. Coordinated investment, regulation and promotion can make GB a safer, more accessible and sustainable destination.

Published in Dawn, September 9th, 2026

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ONCE again, the government is preparing to repeat an experiment that has cost consumers dearly. The sugar industry claims a surplus of 1.03m tonnes and wants immediate export permission. The government should resist until it has independently verified that figure. It cannot let the industry set both numbers and policy. There is good reason for scepticism. The Sugar Inquiry Commission documented export subsidies, alleged supply manipulation, underreporting and heavy windfall profits. The Competition Commission found evidence of price fixing among millers and later imposed penalties. Neither inquiry produced convictions or structural reforms, and the same mills accused of manipulation are setting the surplus number the government is being asked to accept. The latest episode is instructive. The government authorised roughly 750,000 tonnes of exports after declaring domestic supplies sufficient last year. Retail prices soon crossed Rs180 per kilo, and authorities had to arrange imports. The state pockets export earnings when supplies look plentiful, spending those on imports, and makes consumers absorb the cost when calculations are wrong.

This cannot happen again. Officials must independently reconcile production, stocks, consumption, exports, next year’s expected output and grower payments at the mill level before authorising shipments. A mishandled surplus could depress cane prices and hurt farmers. An overstated one could trigger shortages, inflation and another costly round of imports. The government must guard against both, without letting the sugar lobby dictate outcomes. That requires a transparent, rules-based framework: export volumes tied to a well-defined domestic reserve, with automatic restrictions once supplies fall below that level or prices rise sharply. Stock data should be verified by an independent body, and reconciliation figures published before export permission is given. Such a system would cut political discretion and make manipulation harder to sustain. The recurring sugar crisis is a governance failure. Successive governments have bent to industry pressure instead of building rules that can withstand it. The government keeps subsidising millers only to spend scarce foreign exchange importing sugar months later, privatising the gains and socialising the losses. The question is not whether Pakistan can export another million tonnes of sugar. It is whether the state can prevent the same commodity from being exported cheaply today and imported expensively tomorrow.

Published in Dawn, September 8th, 2026

Anti-drone division

THE ongoing wave of terrorism in the country has resulted in an unacceptably high number of casualties amongst security men, both police officers and military personnel. Despite the courage of security men, terrorists have often exacted a heavy human toll by adapting and altering their tactics on the battlefield. But now, a new unit launched by KP Police seems to be turning the tide by using technology to trace and neutralise terrorists before they can strike. The Unmanned Aerial Vehicle Division has been successful in lowering the threat level. Terrorist groups had been using drones, specifically quadcopters, to monitor security personnel and drop explosives. Police officials say that terrorist groups had seized modern equipment left behind by exiting Nato forces in Afghanistan, while hostile foreign actors were also said to be providing drone technology to violent elements. While the law enforcers had used anti-drone systems previously, a dedicated unit has had a visible effect on reducing terrorist attacks, and keeping tabs on terrorists in KP’s affected areas.

Police forces in other provinces, particularly Balochistan, which also suffers from a terrorist insurgency, should consider deploying similar units. For long, experts have said that police forces, which are on the front line of the battle against terrorists, must be given the requisite equipment and training to fight violent groups, and stay one step ahead of them. The UAV Division is one example of how the state can deploy the latest technological advances to quell the militant threat, and prevent casualties within the security forces by pre-empting the terrorists. As the KP police chief told this paper, there is “no other option … but technological advancement” to defeat terrorism. When terrorists use the latest technology, the state cannot expect to have the upper hand by using equipment and tactics that are decades-old, and suited to a very different battlespace.

Published in Dawn, September 8th, 2026

Export reality

THE FPCCI is rightly concerned over the burgeoning trade deficit that has widened by 18.1pc to $7.1bn in the first two months of the current fiscal year due to growing imports and stagnating exports. The country’s apex trade body has described the rising cost of doing business as a binding constraint on exports. A policy rate above regional rivals, costly and unreliable energy supply, and higher taxes on petrol are structural costs that show up directly in the price of exporters. This explains a good part of why our exports keep losing shelf space to competitors who face none of these burdens. But it is not the whole story. Start with the product mix. Pakistan’s exports have leaned on textiles and apparel for decades, and the composition has barely shifted even as competitors moved up the value chain. Bangladesh, for example, has pushed harder into higher-margin garments and diversified into pharmaceuticals and light engineering. Pakistani exporters, by contrast, have been content to ship yarn, grey cloth and low-end made-ups, and other commodities.

Value addition was always the way out of that trap. But most manufacturers did not opt for it. The market concentration compounds the problem. Exporters that have spent decades selling largely in the same markets have limited leverage when demand softens, and no cushion when a market turns against them. Product and market diversification takes marketing spend, product development and a tolerance for lower margins — costs our industry has generally skipped in favour of the domestic market for higher pricing power and thinner competition. Though understandable for an individual firm, collectively, it has hollowed out the export base. Most exporting companies remain family-run and lack in-house expertise in global marketing, compliance and product design. Modernising means hiring professionals and ceding some control. Few owners have been willing to do this. If borrowing costs are truly the obstacle, the stock market offers a way around them. Equity carries no policy rate. Yet companies show little appetite for listing due to a reluctance to open their books to regulators or share profits outside the family. Most may simply not be investment-grade enough to survive that scrutiny. The export sector needs an overhaul on both ends: a government policy that favours exports, and real diversification, value addition and corporatisation from firms themselves.

Published in Dawn, September 7th, 2026

Online danger

THE digital age contains death traps for children. A new Unicef report reveals a global child exploitation emergency. About 20m internet-using children across 21 countries, including Pakistan, faced online sexual exploitation in a single year; 60pc of reported violations were on digital platforms while 14pc occurred in online gaming. More than one in five children became targets of sexual exploitation; 15m were exposed to sexual images, and 4m had sexual material “shared without permission”. Almost 1.1m reported AI-generated sexual images or videos showing them. Sadly, these numbers are just the tip of the iceberg. Online predators follow a perversion pyramid. Offences begin with chatting and sharing of inappropriate content then assume the form of solicitation, ‘sextortion’, and misuse of AI deepfake technology.

These statistics mean permanently damaged lives. The scale of the crisis is a consequence of keeping the scourge hidden. Victims of tech-facilitated sexual violations are reportedly four times more vulnerable to self-harm, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts. As abusers are often known to the victims, voicing these traumas is difficult for reasons of shame and ostracisation. Whether it happens online or offline, the toll of abuse is lifelong. It impedes education, employment and productivity. To keep children from harm, protections to ensure a safe digital space are crucial. Legislation must possess commitment, transparency and precision; enforcement lapses should be punishable. As in the West, there is a need for Pakistan to restrict social media use for under-16-year-olds. But the onus of digital safety lies with the parents. No law can succeed until the authorities and society stop slinking around this grave issue. Totally darkened screens can hamper learning and information. Instead, investment in police training, a cyber-patrol force to track down web criminals, and active encouragement to report dangerous online spaces are vital. While an evolving cyberspace is hard to secure, it cannot be allowed to cripple the young.

Published in Dawn, September 7th, 2026

Climate test

THE world is edging into climate territory governments have spent years trying to avoid. A new UN Environment Programme report warns that the Paris Agreement’s 1.5°C warming threshold is likely to be breached within the next few years. That does not mean climate action has failed or that the target no longer matters.

UNEP argues that humanity must keep any “overshoot” as low and brief as possible, as every fraction of warming raises the risk of extreme weather, ecosystem loss and irreversible tipping points.

Adding to the concern, the World Meteorological Organisation says the El Niño strengthening in the Pacific could be the strongest in four decades, intensifying heat, drought and floods worldwide. For Pakistan, the fallout could include water stress, food insecurity and greater strain on urban infrastructure and services.

The Nepal-China floods have shown how quickly climate hazards can devastate lives. As warming intensifies, Pakistan will increasingly have to contend with several climate stresses at once, often in places least equipped to cope. That demands a rethink of how the country plans for development.

Pakistan must plan for a climate changing faster than its institutions. Adaptation cannot remain confined to emergency response after floods, heatwaves or droughts. Development policy itself must change.

New housing, roads, power systems and urban drainage should be built for harsher weather. Water policy must account for uncertain river flows and rainfall. Agriculture needs crops and irrigation methods better suited to greater heat and water stress, along with support to help farmers adapt. Cities require heat-action plans, shaded public spaces and stronger protection for outdoor workers.

A World Bank assessment covering Pakistan and the wider MENAAP region found that prolonged extreme heat is depressing sales, labour productivity and wages, showing that climate damage is also an economic competitiveness problem. None of this absolves the major emitters. UNEP identifies finance, equity and global cooperation as essential to navigating a dangerous climate future, while stressing that countries with greater responsibility for global warming must act fastest.

Pakistan should press that case. But it must also spend development resources intelligently. The age of treating climate disasters as one-off emergencies has ended and it must plan for a harsher reality.

Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2026

Citadel of history

LAHORE’S cultural credence carries the weight of over 1,000 years of civilisational legacy. Studded with Mughal monuments, Sikh memorials and Sufi seats, the city was chosen as the Tourism and Cultural Capital for 2026 to 2027 by the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. An annually rotating title among member states, the designation celebrates Pakistan’s historical bastion. A living collage of iconic architecture — the Walled City, Badshahi Mosque, Lahore Fort, Shalimar Gardens, Wazir Khan Mosque, Ranjit Singh’s Samadhi, Huzuri Bagh, and more — the metropolis has earned its place as a byword for opulence and syncretic values. The government must capitalise on this opportunity for global recognition. Our iconic remnants require an economic lifeline to unlock Lahore’s potential. But other interventions, too, are needed to transform the provincial capital into a fascinating tourist destination and help reshape negative perceptions of the country as a whole.

Unfortunately, negligence, decay and plunder of precious relics have hurt the country’s position in the world heritage arena. To make the most of the new tag, both effort and resolve must be visible on the ground. First, investment in a secure and organised tourism infrastructure, with accommodation, transport, and tour guides, is crucial for information and accessibility. Second, innovative marketing strategies must ensure that the world learns about the value of exploring Pakistan’s inheritance. Preservation of the past creates an environment that nurtures people-to-people contact and cultural diplomacy, while a heritage economy promises progress and opportunities for the people. In addition, restoration must be steered by science, specialisation and international collaborations for authenticity to stay intact. A tourism boom also forges strong bonds with other nations, which can be a shot in the arm for a fragile economy. Lastly, the time to unmask a lesser known Pakistan is now.

Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2026

Data theft

AT least the government is not trying to cover it up. That, perhaps, is the only silver lining in the alarming scandal that has just come to light. We know now, straight from the horse’s mouth, that the fingerprint-based biometric verification system — supposedly built to protect citizens’ digital identities — has been thoroughly compromised. The minister of state for interior now casually dismisses it as “outdated”. Scammers have reportedly enjoyed access to supposedly secure locations, such as airports, driving licence centres, passport offices, and possibly even Nadra, to physically steal citizens’ fingerprint data. And the crisis goes deeper. In a recent meeting of the National Assembly Standing Committee on Interior, state officials admitted that scammers continue to operate with impunity despite the blocking of 18.2m illegal SIM cards over the past two and a half years. By blaming “loopholes” in the SIM issuance system and banking channels for giving criminals free rein to commit financial fraud, the state has admitted to a massive breach of public trust. No wonder citizens simply do not trust the authorities to guarantee their safety. It must be asked: what have the authorities been doing? Given the scale of the crisis, one would expect dedicated, multi-agency taskforces to be actively dismantling these fraudulent networks. Instead, it appears the relevant regulators — the State Bank, the PTA, the National Cybercrime Investigation Authority, and Nadra — have been operating in their own silos.

Now that a stakeholder committee has finally been directed to formulate practical legislative and technical measures, the outcome must be a centralised cybersecurity framework. Pakistan and its citizenry cannot afford another bureaucratic talking shop that hums and haws while yet another crisis continues to metastasise. Further, the authorities’ sudden push to collect even more intrusive personal identification data, such as facial and iris scans, must be met with severe scrutiny from legislators. They must demand detailed assurances on exactly how this new data will be secured to ensure that the glaring mistakes of the past are not repeated. There must also be consequences for the breaches that have already occurred. Before the state’s requests for more resources to “strengthen the system” can be taken seriously, those responsible for the existing negligence must be held accountable for the financial losses already incurred by the citizenry. Anything less glosses over the scale of the negligence.

Published in Dawn, September 5th, 2026

‘Cleansing’ Gaza

THE Israeli defence minister has recently confirmed what many across the world already know: the Zionist state seeks to ethnically cleanse the occupied territories of their native Palestinian inhabitants. Tel Aviv seeks to achieve this reprehensible aim through murder — as witnessed in the Gaza genocide — as well as forced displacement in order to quench its insatiable thirst for other people’s land. Israel Katz has said his country is ready to depopulate Gaza and only awaits America’s green light. Israel is prepared to “get them out — by sea, by air, by every way possible”, he said, contemptuously referring to Gaza’s people as if they were livestock to be transported from one place to another. He added there was “no real solution” other than the forcible removal of Gaza’s people. In fact, there very much is a solution: Israel must vacate all occupied Palestinian territory and be made to answer for its genocidal campaign in Gaza.

The situation is not much better in the West Bank. Here, the UN says Israel has forcibly displaced the residents of three refugee camps in the occupied territory. Meanwhile, rabid Jewish settlers have unleashed a reign of terror on the West Bank’s Arab population. It should be remembered that forcible displacement is a war crime, which even the so-called Gaza peace plan prohibits. Since Israel has clearly said that it only awaits America’s blessings to go ahead with the ethnic cleansing of Gaza, the Trump administration must unambiguously state its opposition to this criminal plan. In fact, those who should leave occupied Palestinian land are the Zionist military and the Israeli settlers who seek to devour Arab territory. The Palestinians have faced one Nakba already, violently forced off the land of their forefathers by outsiders. They must not be made to face another catastrophe executed by the Zionist state, and underwritten by its staunch supporters in Washington.

Published in Dawn, September 5th, 2026

GM maize concerns

THE Committee on Genetically Modified Corn has approved GM maize cultivation alongside hybrid and organic varieties. The decision itself is not the problem. But the lack of transparency around it and the framework for conducting open-field trials of new technology to test its behaviour in the local environment are problematic. While the committee’s statement cites a “practical, well-defined framework” and stakeholder consultations, it says little about independent field trials for Pakistani soil and climatic conditions, as distinct from controlled environments. International protocol for GMO food crops exists because laboratory performance and open-field behaviour diverge, and the contamination risk to neighbouring crops is real. Both stages of testing need to happen before commercialisation. The results should be published so that farmers and the public can make an informed decision.

Coexistence with existing varieties, endorsed in principle, needs more than a promise. It needs a mandated buffer distance between GM and non-GM plots, and separate harvesting, transport and packaging for GM maize. Pollen drift and seed mixing in transport are the two main routes of contamination. If the state wants to protect the non-GM seed base, these details must be worked out. There is also the question of timing. Maize, by the committee’s own account, is a thriving crop in Pakistan on hybrid seed alone. The push for commercialisation has apparently come from the US administration and from American firms holding trial licences, not from a domestic productivity crisis. That doesn’t make the technology bad. It does, however, mean the government owes the public an account of what GM maize solves that hybrid seed does not. If GM maize proves suitable for local conditions after proper testing, the companies bringing it to the market should compete with hybrid and organic varieties on the same footing as any other seed technology. No government guarantees, no subsidised entry, no regulatory shortcuts should be allowed. Farmers need training on cultivation requirements before GM seed reaches the market. Also, consumers need transparent labelling. Most countries that allow GM crops into the food supply mandate it so that buyers can choose. Pakistan should not leave GM and non-GM maize indistinguishable on the shelf.

Published in Dawn, September 4th, 2026

Beyond listings

PAKISTAN’S request to Unesco to consider Rani Ghat and Banbhore for the World Heritage List is welcome. It follows the recent expansion of the country’s tentative list from 25 to 37 properties, with 12 new cultural and heritage sites added this year.

Both Rani Ghat and Banbhore speak to civilisations that flourished on this land long before the modern state existed, and greater international recognition could help attract scholarship, tourism and conservation funding.

Plans to take Gandhara exhibitions abroad, establish “Gandhara Corners” and facilitate longer visits to Buddhist sites are also sensible. Pakistan has for too long treated its archaeological wealth as a niche interest rather than a cultural and economic asset. But enthusiasm for adding names to Unesco’s list must be matched by equal seriousness about the six Pakistani properties already inscribed on it.

Similar vigilance is required at Lahore Fort and Shalamar Gardens, where planning and development around the property must not compromise its heritage value.

The record there is mixed. The World Heritage Committee this year acknowledged conservation progress at Mohenjodaro and Makli, while making clear that considerable work remains. Mohenjodaro still requires attention to drainage, salinity and an integrated management plan; Makli needs sustained conservation and adequate financial and human resources.

Recognition cannot become an end in itself. Federal and provincial authorities should publish conservation plans and budgets for every listed site, maintain specialist teams, improve visitor facilities, signage and access, and promote these places intelligently and consistently at home and abroad.

Tourism revenues should be transparently reinvested in preservation, with local communities given a stake in protecting the sites. Seeking recognition for Rani Ghat and Banbhore is worthwhile.

But Pakistan’s strongest case for adding new treasures to the World Heritage List is to show that those already recognised by the world are being cared for as if they matter.

Published in Dawn, September 4th, 2026

Bond market return

PAKISTAN’S proposed dual-tranche Eurobond launch marks the country’s return to the international debt markets for longer-term financing. The initiative is part of a budgetary plan to raise $2bn through bond issuance for the current year. The issue will test the market’s willingness to price the country’s needs at relatively lower rates. Five months ago, Islamabad tested the waters with a three-year, $750m note at 6.975pc, oversubscribed enough to trigger the green-shoe option. A five- and 10-year bond is the next logical step to build a range of borrowing rates, instead of relying on a single benchmark. The issue follows Pakistan’s rating upgrades. S&P’s ‘B’ rating and Fitch’s ‘B-’ rating are still low. But they show the country’s better creditworthiness after years of downgrades and fears of default. The rating upgrades have given the government more room to borrow at better rates than it had in April. The real test is not whether the bonds are sold, but how much interest Pakistan has to pay compared with US rates and the country’s ‘falling’ risk premium.

The choice of longer tenor paper also answers a specific question the April bond could not: whether investors will hold Pakistani risk past the near-term IMF programme horizon. A three-year note matures inside the current programme’s shadow. A 10-year note bets on a Pakistan that is still servicing its debts in 2036, well beyond any single IMF arrangement. Investor appetite for that tenor will be the number worth watching. That said, returning to the international debt market on the strength of its improved credit rating and economic stability should help Pakistan reduce its dependence on expensive short-term commercial borrowing and repeated debt rollovers from friendly countries. None of this removes the underlying fragility, however. Pakistan is still tapping capital markets from a low base, with a speculative rating band, and with debt sustainability resting on continued IMF disbursements and growth compression. A successful issuance starts a track record, but does not establish one. The government’s own appointment of five joint bookrunners signals it wants broad distribution and a credible book. That suggests confidence in the outcome, but also that Islamabad knows this deal must go well after April’s success set a benchmark it cannot afford to fall below.

Published in Dawn, September 3rd, 2026

Rights in jail

THE Islamabad High Court earlier this week ruled on two petitions challenging the conditions in which former prime minister Imran Khan and former first lady Bushra Bibi have been kept in Adiala Jail, ordering the jail superintendent to ensure they receive the privileges they are entitled to as prisoners and that neither is kept in isolation. It is disturbing to note that though jail officials and government representatives have consistently denied allegations that the two prisoners are being held in solitary confinement for extended periods, medical records submitted by the authorities indicate that the former prime minister has started suffering physically from the effects of isolation. Indeed, the court noted that “the admitted fact remains that access of the general prison population to his place of confinement is substantially restricted and his meaningful social interaction is consequently limited”, and that the record “prima facie recognises the adverse impact of restricted social and familial interaction upon the prisoner’s psychological and physical well-being”.

As the court rightly noted, a prisoner’s right to life, dignity and humane treatment “are not extinguished at the prison gate”. This, in particular, seems to be something that those running the Pakistani penal system have never quite wrapped their heads around. Human beings cannot be mistreated, even when they have erred. The law may prescribe the most severe punishment for their crimes, but that does not mean prisoners can be treated by their jailers as they see fit. Unfortunately, most Pakistani prisoners are frequently made to suffer far more than what is just or right. The injustices done to them are also very rarely remedied. Therefore, for a once powerful leader to be made to suffer in this manner is merely a symptom of a much larger disease. Our penal system needs much more than one-time interventions to address its maladies; it needs to be rebuilt as an instrument of justice rather than remain a means of inflicting pain.

Published in Dawn, September 3rd, 2026

Sudden overhaul

THE logic of the decision has been questioned, with critics accusing cricket authorities in the country of pressing the panic button following the national team’s successive Test thrashings at the hands of England. The overhaul of the squad before the third and final game of the series was indeed unprecedented: head coach Sarfraz Ahmed and fast-bowling coach Umar Gul were sent home alongside seven other players after England clinched the series with a 194-run rout of the tourists at Lord’s on Sunday. Having witnessed defeat by an innings and 103 runs in the series opener, the Pakistan Cricket Board clearly hopes that cricketing pride can be restored in the third Test that begins on Sept 9. The setbacks in England mean Pakistan have now lost five of their last six Tests, their sole victory coming against the West Indies in August. They are rock bottom in the World Test Championship standings, and are apparently headed towards a repeat of their last-place finish in the previous cycle. Their position shows how far Pakistan have fallen. Although led by batting superstar Babar Azam, Pakistan have failed to post a total of 200 in the series against England so far. Babar, who returned as Test captain during the series against the West Indies, missed the first Test due to injury and failed to inspire his side when he returned. Salman Agha, who stood for him in the opener, was dropped from the second Test; he is one of seven players axed alongside senior wicket-keeper Mohammad Rizwan, opener Imam-ul-Haq, spinner Ali Usman, pacer Khurram Shahzad, all-rounder Aamir Jamal and batter Mohammad Awais Zafar. Sarfraz, who had helmed just five matches, has been replaced by Pakistan’s white-ball coach Mike Hesson, while Ashley Noffke comes in for Umar.

It remains to be seen, though, how PCB’s knee-jerk reaction plays out with selectors having drafted in white-ball players — notably batters Saim Ayub and Abdullah Fazal and spinner Arafat Minhas. Others include wicket-keeper Saad Baig, seamer Mohammed Imran Jr and all-rounders Mohammad Imran and Razaullah, with the quartet being uncapped in any format by Pakistan. Former cricketers and critics have slammed PCB’s actions, calling for more consistency and proper decision-making. The PCB might stand vindicated at the end of it all but it is time it realised that merely changing personnel might not work in the long run.

Published in Dawn, September 2nd, 2026

Terrorism trials

THE Punjab Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Bill, 2026, rests on a real problem. For decades, we have seen terrorism cases collapse and mass murderers go scot-free because those meant to prosecute them had no protection. Witnesses in terrorism trials withdrew their testimony, went missing, or simply refused to appear — they knew the state could not guarantee their safety. Judges hearing sensitive cases have faced threats that no amount of courage can overcome. Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti was shot dead in his Lahore chambers in 1997, months after acquitting a blasphemy suspect. The delay in concluding such cases means that the accused are not punished and the innocent remain in jail for years. Anonymous courts and identity-shielded proceedings exist in countries, which concluded that open trials mean little if the people running them are dead or too frightened to speak.

That is the argument for the bill — but it does not answer the argument against it. A representation to the governor identifies a structural flaw that good intent cannot resolve. The bill hands the power to classify a case as a ‘special security case’ to a Grade-20 official. If the official decides that a case qualifies, control over witness coding, sealed records and video proceedings follow. It amounts to creating a parallel procedure in which the executive — and not the court — decides what constitutes a fair trial. Article 175(3) of the Constitution exists precisely to prevent this kind of arrangement. So does Article 10-A. A law that lets an official decide, without judicial oversight, whose trial gets sealed and whose witnesses get coded, can easily be abused by the government of the day. Intent does not travel with legislation once it is passed. Only the text does, and the text as summarised in the representation gives an administrative officer the authority that belongs, constitutionally, to a judge. This does not mean the bill should be shelved. It means the draft passed should not be the version that becomes law.

Published in Dawn, September 2nd, 2026

EV transition

PAKISTAN’S transition to electric mobility is stalling not for want of ambition but consistency. The government’s plan for 30pc EV penetration within five years, meant to save $4.5bn annually on fuel imports, sits uneasily alongside a policy environment that sends mixed signals to investors, manufacturers, auto parts makers and consumers alike. Oil marketing companies, which should be natural partners in building the charging infrastructure needed, keep pouring capital into conventional retail expansion. The absence of investment in charging infrastructure reflects where OMCs expect the money to keep flowing. Their decision is shaped directly by what government policy signals, or does not signal, about the future. With different lobbies trying to influence the upcoming auto policy, the government has delayed its announcement, creating more market uncertainty.

The situation is not unique to Pakistan, but our history of policy reversals gives such lobbying particular traction. Consumers remember. Investors remember. This is one of the biggest obstacles to EV adoption: nobody wants to bet on infrastructure or vehicle purchases when the policy underpinning them could be reversed many times in its five-year life. The way out is not to pick winners indefinitely but to be clear about which winner is being picked, and for how long. Electric mobility deserves front-loaded fiscal support: import duty concessions on batteries and EV components, purchase incentives for consumers, and preferential tax treatment that make the total cost of ownership competitive with conventional ICE and hybrid technologies. But even incentives for EVs should have a sunset date and be linked to the manufacturers’ localisation effort. This is standard practice in every successful EV market. Beyond that specific push for electrification, policy should stop playing referee between technologies. Whatever comes next should compete on its own economic and environmental merit rather than on whoever has the better lobbyist in Islamabad. A technology-neutral framework beyond the EV push would strip entrenched players of their lobbying incentive, letting markets decide which non-EV technologies survive. Charging infrastructure will follow this transition, not lead it. OMCs will not sink capital into charging networks ahead of demand — that misreads how the industry allocates money. Push EV sales past a threshold, and charging becomes commercially rational on its own.

Published in Dawn, September 1st, 2026

Fishermen’s return

TENSIONS between Pakistan and India have been particularly detrimental for hapless fishermen in jails and their families on either side. These detainees end up spending years behind bars due to slow trials, denial of consular access and no legal aid. Against this grim backdrop, the recent repatriation of 25 fishermen who crossed back into Pakistan through the border in Lahore on Saturday, is encouraging. In July, Pakistan urged India to free and repatriate 97 Pakistani prisoners who had completed their sentences; 33 of them are fisherfolk.

Dozens of fishermen frequently cross the unmarked maritime boundary in the Arabian Sea in pursuit of catch. The stakes are higher around the disputed Sir Creek area. Their arrest and incarceration must be seen as a humanitarian crisis that devastates families who are left without breadwinners. Ideally, poor anglers should be released after their nationality has been verified. Both countries need to revisit the Agreement on Consular Access, signed in 2008, for the sake of justice, humanity and the right of ordinary citizens to liberty. Additionally, the two countries are in breach of the UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The pact ordains “no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country”. As a confidence-building measure, the two states should adopt a no-arrest policy for fisherfolk, and establish a dedicated cell to ensure legal aid, translators, identity authentication, consular access, contact with kin and swift trials. If fishermen inadvertently breach maritime borders, instead of arresting them, the authorities should issue warnings to turn around. A ‘buffer zone’ safe for fishermen to fish without restraint should be considered. Finally, diplomacy can hardly be stalled indefinitely. Bilateral relations must at least progress to a stage where poor and vulnerable people are able to rely on the implementation of political agreements.

Published in Dawn, September 1st, 2026