Dawn Editorials 12th September 2025

Climate emergency

THE federal cabinet’s decision to declare a climate and agriculture emergency in the country was overdue given the magnitude of devastation resulting from the floods sweeping across Punjab and beyond.

The images of inundated fields in thousands of villages, displaced families, destroyed homes and dead livestock underscore the seriousness of the catastrophe. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has set up a special committee to assess the extent of damage to agriculture, determine how farmers can be compensated and recommend steps to mitigate the deluge’s impact on the economy.

The devastation will test both the state’s resolve and ability to rehabilitate displaced communities, protect food security and rebuild rural livelihoods in the face of recurring climate shocks. Immediate relief must come first: announcement of financial compensation for smallholders for their losses and soft loans to buy inputs for the next crop cycle; provision of food and fodder supplies; and veterinary and healthcare services in the flood-affected areas to prevent the outbreak of disease.

Equally critical will be the protection of consumers from a possible surge in inflation, which may require timely food imports and stringent action against hoarders.

That said, the massive nationwide human and economic losses and destruction of infrastructure caused by floods past and present show that even prompt and generous relief and rehabilitation efforts remain insufficient.

The government, therefore, should combine relief and rehabilitation with long-term sustained investments in climate adaptation and mitigation so that the economy and farmers are not left at the mercy of extreme weather events, be they floods, droughts or heatwaves.

While declaring a climate and agriculture emergency, the PM has rightly stressed the need for a comprehensive strategy to tackle climate challenges.

In this respect, a broader framework for action — the 31-point Declaration on Rights of Nature & Climate Justice — has already evolved under the Dawn Media Group’s Breathe Pakistan initiative.

Drawing from climate rights guaranteed under Article 9A of the Constitution, the call is for all stakeholders to build a “climate democracy”. The initiative provides a plan on how to build climate resilience around the restoration of the ecological balance to protect the vulnerable, and secure justice and sustainability for future generations.

Indeed, the national challenge is enormous and demands wide-ranging constitutional, legal and social reforms, besides close cooperation between the centre and provinces.

It also requires other stakeholders — businesses, high-net-worth individuals and civil society — to step up and help the government build climate resilience. After all, climate change is no longer a challenge for governments alone; nor does it impact just the rural economy. It also imposes significant costs on businesses in multiple ways as Pakistan’s vulnerability to destructive climate-induced events increases by the day.

Published in Dawn, September 12th, 2025

Peace committee

THE formation of a national-level committee to deal with hate speech, extremism and terrorism can only be welcomed. However, it should be recalled that such initiatives have been launched previously too, and with great fanfare, only to slip into oblivion after the initial enthusiasm, mainly because of the state’s disinterest in pursuing the core goals of such initiatives. The National Paigham-i-Aman Committee has been set up under the information ministry to “draft a unified national stance against extremism and terrorism”. It will feature government representatives, and Muslim clerics as well as clergy representing Pakistan’s minorities. The body’s key aim appears to be to crack down on hate speech, particularly in cyberspace. The committee is said to be a continuation of the 2018 Paigham-i-Pakistan initiative, which centred around a fatwa endorsed by hundreds of Muslim clerics from all sects condemning terrorism and suicide bombings.

Pakistan’s efforts to tackle extremism and terrorism are not new. From Gen Musharraf’s ‘enlightened moderation’ to the Paigham-i-Pakistan fatwa to the National Action Plan, including its updated version, the state has formed many a committee and formulated several plans to address this critical issue. Yet today, we face a terrorist insurgency in KP led by the extremist TTP, while sectarian groups continue to flex their muscles from time to time. Moreover, extremist groups in Punjab have led sustained campaigns against members of the minority Ahmadi community, also extending their influence to Sindh. These groups are involved in stoking violence against Christians too. All this proves that there is much to do where countering extremism and violence is concerned. The first step is, of course, expressing the resolve to fight injustice against minorities, which is what the just-formed committee has done. But noble intentions are not enough. The state needs to take strong action against those involved in promoting, condoning and carrying out violence against minority religions and sects. For example, Christian activists say that the perpetrators involved in the 2023 Jaranwala violence have yet to be convicted. Those guilty of intimidating Ahmadis have similarly not been punished. The new peace body must not suffer the fate of earlier initiatives. Peace committees and declarations will be inadequate unless the state pledges to permanently put sectarian and hate groups out of business.

Published in Dawn, September 12th, 2025

Gen Z revolt

NEPAL’S restless youth have shaken the political order. What began as outrage over a sweeping ban on 26 social media platforms escalated into an uprising that torched parliament, ministries and the prime minister’s residence, leaving more than 30 dead and over 1,000 injured. Prime minister K.P. Sharma Oli resigned, but the fury has not abated. On the streets of Kathmandu, the army still patrols, enforcing curfews. Soldiers stand watch outside the charred shell of parliament. Essential services are limping back: international flights have resumed at Tribhuvan International Airport, hospitals are treating hundreds of wounded, and some ministries are operating from alternative offices. But trade routes remain disrupted, media houses have been burned, and public life in the capital remains largely paralysed. Tourism, one of Nepal’s main earners, has collapsed overnight. The restoration of social media has not quieted anger. Protesters demand more: accountability, an interim administration led by a neutral figure, and justice for those killed.

Discontent has been brewing for a while. Young Nepalis, facing mass unemployment and corruption, rage against the spectacle of ‘nepo kids’, flaunting privilege while millions of their peers migrate abroad for work. Online memes have become real mobilisation, fuelled by anger at political dynasties recycling power. Global reaction has been cautious. The UN and rights groups have urged restraint and investigations. India worries about instability along its long border; China calls only for order. For now, Kathmandu’s crisis is domestic, but regional states must recognise this for the familiar script it is. Sri Lankans forced out a president in 2022. Bangladeshi students toppled Sheikh Hasina Wajed last year. Across South Asia, young people are challenging gerontocratic elites who treat power as inheritance. The uprisings differ in trigger but share a common driver: a generation unwilling to tolerate misrule. Other governments would be wise to see in Nepal not chaos to dismiss, but a warning to heed.

Published in Dawn, September 12th, 2025