Dawn Editorials 6th September 2025

HPV vaccine

BY and large, it is the low-income countries that face the greatest burden of disease.

Several factors contribute to this sobering reality including poor access to healthcare and inadequate resources. Which is why regular vaccine campaigns, undertaken to prevent the onset of many of the illnesses seen mostly in developing nations, are absolutely crucial in a country like ours. In this context, the planned addition of a new vaccine to the Expanded Programme on Immunisation is a welcome development.

The campaign for the phased rollout of the human papillomavirus vaccine to prevent cervical cancer is set to begin on Sept 15. In Sindh, the aim is to immunise 4.1m girls from nine to 14 years against the virus — although once incorporated fully in the EPI, the focus will shift to nine-year-olds and hopefully become part of a school-outreach programme. The campaign will be rolled out in Punjab, ICT and AJK at the same time; in KP in 2026; and in Balochistan and GB in 2027.

Without regular screening, cervical cancer can go undetected in females, especially as symptoms may be absent in the early stages. And in a country like Pakistan, where routine pelvic examinations are not actively recommended, negligence can cost lives.

Around 5,000 women in the country are diagnosed with cervical cancer each year; 60pc of them succumb to the disease. And these are only the numbers recorded. It is safe to assume that the actual number of cases for this cancer — the second most common one among women of child-bearing age — is far higher.

By including the vaccine in the EPI, then, it is hoped that awareness levels are heightened — perhaps, the mothers of the young girls that the HPV vaccine will target under the EPI will learn enough about the risks of cervical cancer to take precautionary steps themselves through inoculation or regular screening. It appears to be a goal worth pursuing.

Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2025

Tricky regulation

MEMBERS of the Senate Standing Committee on Finance and Revenue recommended last Wednesday that all those associated with the Pakistan Virtual Asset Regulatory Authority be barred from trading in virtual assets. Their concern for integrity is commendable and certainly not misplaced, but the trouble is, how effectively could such a bar be enforced? The markets for virtual assets have always been opaque, with buyers and sellers difficult to track or trace. That is why they have been used so extensively by shady operators and those looking to move value across economic borders undetected. It is not without reason that the finance minister, who heads the Pakistan Crypto Council, still does not seem entirely accepting of the idea of rushing into the space. Perhaps the honourable members of the committee ought to have spent more time reflecting on these facets instead of bickering over who should get credit for the PVARA bill. Indeed, PVARA is supposed to prevent such practices — it is mandated to ensure transparency, compliance and prevent illicit activities such as money laundering and terrorism financing — but without sufficient regulatory guidelines first being devised and implemented, rules like these will always be difficult to enforce.

And that still seems to be the albatross around the government’s neck. It has yet to come up with a comprehensive regulatory system with which to tether the crypto beast. To be clear, this was never an easy undertaking: most financial jurisdictions around the world remain extremely wary of crypto assets, and there are only a handful of countries that have ventured to embrace them. But given the fanfare around Pakistan’s ‘great leap’ towards crypto, one had expected much more progress on this undertaking than has been visible up to this point. It should be highlighted that virtual asset markets have evolved very quickly and continue to do so. It is essential, therefore, for a country entering them formally to be very versatile in its approach. The regulatory bodies that Pakistan wishes to create must not only be ethical and capable, but also agile and able to adapt to emerging technologies, new market entrants — and threats. If the authorities continue to deliberate at the pace they have so far, they will always remain behind the curve. They must decide what it is they wish to accomplish and whether it is worth the risk.

Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2025

Hybrid failures

IT is difficult to disagree with the remarks of the Supreme Court’s Justice Athar Minallah, who on Thursday indicated that the hybrid system in Pakistan — where unelected powers are actively involved in civilian affairs — is a euphemism for dictatorship.

The veteran judge, while speaking in Karachi, also dwelt on the role the senior judiciary has played in the country’s history by endorsing the unconstitutional moves of strongmen.

Putting it bluntly, he said that the “77-year judicial history is not a matter of pride for me”, while giving examples of the Maulvi Tamizuddin case, as well as of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s trial and Gen Musharraf’s assaults on the constitutional order, to prove how at crucial times their lordships have sided with authoritarian rulers to subvert the rule of law. Mr Minallah also praised the bravery of judges who refused to bow before dictators.

Pakistan’s damaging experiments with different forms of hybridity, from earlier decades to the present day, have only weakened institutions, particularly parliament and the judiciary. And rarely have proponents of the hybrid system been held to account for their failures; the actual powers wash their hands of mistakes, while their civilian partners face the music. In contrast, in fully functioning democratic systems, elected leaders are held accountable before the voter.

Considering the judiciary’s role, as highlighted by Justice Minallah, in supporting unconstitutional moves — and these grim episodes are well-documented in our history — ‘willing’ collaborators on the bench have worked with usurpers to subvert the constitutional system, often guided by the ‘doctrine of necessity’. Sadly, in the current scenario too, many of their lordships have been perceived as coming to the aid of the real powers to give their legal blessings to doubtful laws and amendments.

The solution, as Justice Minallah suggested, is deceptively simple on paper, but difficult to put into practice: abiding by the Constitution, with all institutions staying within the bounds prescribed for them by the basic law. In this regard, when the country faces rampant insecurity, it is essential that the military sticks to its core duty of defending Pakistan. We face two major militant insurgencies — in KP and Balochistan — while a hostile neighbour to the east, and an unreliable regime in Kabul, mean we must constantly remain vigilant.

In such a situation, if the security apparatus indulges in political management, the focus on defence can become diluted. Whether it is direct military rule or a ‘hybrid’ system, both have left lasting scars on the constitutional system. Hence, there is a need to move away from the hybrid model in the interest of democracy, and in the interests of both the civilian and military leaderships.

Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2025