Sindh protests
WEEKS after locals blocked off major arteries in Sindh to protest a proposal to build new canals on the Indus, eventually forcing the government to suspend its plans, trouble is still simmering. Last Tuesday, there was a violent confrontation between workers of a nationalist party and police in Moro, Naushahro Feroze, where the two came face to face during a demonstration. The protesters, who had gathered to air their grievances against enforced disappearances of political activists, corporate farming and the aforementioned canals, were asked by local police to stop obstructing traffic and disperse peacefully. When they refused, the police resorted to force. In the ensuing chaos, one protester was killed and around a dozen policemen and protesters injured, one of them critically. The provincial home minister’s residence in the area was torched by a mob. The Sindh government has since described the incident as ‘terrorism’.
The Moro protest had followed one in Hyderabad on Sunday on the same issues, albeit the violence was limited in scale. Following that protest, police had booked the family members of a prominent Sindhi intellectual, along with others, on sedition charges and made some arrests. This triggered considerable consternation among the public. The Moro incident, too, was followed by criminal charges being filed against large numbers of locals and arrests of protesters. But while violence in any form cannot be condoned, the provincial authorities would do well to exercise restraint. Although the canal movement has largely cooled off following the announcement from the federal government, there is still considerable discontent within Sindh over state overreach. The conversations have started turning to corporate farming, and locals are worried about how the land allocated to corporate projects will be irrigated. It is important that the Sindh government listens to its constituents and addresses their concerns. Arrests and crackdowns will only stir more trouble.
Published in Dawn, May 24th, 2025
Business sentiment
THE recent macroeconomic stability — its vulnerability to potential internal slippages and external shocks notwithstanding — has pushed business confidence into ‘positive territory’ for the first time in three years, according to a survey conducted by the Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce and Industry in March-April, before the escalation of tensions with India. Looking ahead, the survey reported increased optimism for the next six months, with 45pc of the respondents expressing positive expectations due to economic growth, and improved government policies, investment climate and security. Yet they highlighted inflation, taxation, inconsistent government policies and rupee devaluation as “key threats”. Inflation and taxation remain their top two concerns, reflecting unchanged sentiments on this score since the last survey in October-November. The survey results have led the finance minister to claim the improved business sentiment as a “validation of our collective efforts”. “The uptick in business confidence is a clear sign that our economic direction is on the right track. We are focused on creating a conducive environment for investment, supporting private sector growth, and ensuring long-term macroeconomic resilience,” he said.
The ‘positive vibes’ on account of improved business sentiments apart, the fact is that over half the respondents still reported a negative outlook regarding overall business conditions; most continue to hold off on new investment plans because of anxiety linked to political instability, exchange rate parity and energy and trade policies. Our policymakers should be aware of this. While valuable, a business confidence survey — whatever outlook it projects — has its limitations since it relies mostly on the subjective opinions of respondents. Also, a given economic or policy factor can be positive for some and negative for others. For example, the exchange rate devaluation may help some businesses make money but causes losses for others. A country’s economic outlook or business sentiments can be measured reliably only from the size of investment made by firms in new projects or expansions, growth in economic activity and exports, increase in the disposable income of the middle class, job creation, reduced poverty, etc. Since none of these indicators are improving, at least not significantly enough, it is too early to see the survey result as a validation of government policies.
Published in Dawn, May 24th, 2025
Lessons from history
THE tragic events of 1971 were a watershed moment — one of many — in Pakistan’s troubled history, when the nation conceived by the founding fathers was rent asunder by a brutal civil war, and later Indian involvement.
In the aftermath of the recent hostilities with India, several references have been made to 1971 by the prime minister himself. On Thursday, while on a visit to Azad Kashmir, Shehbaz Sharif said that Operation Bunyanum Marsoos was “divine retribution” for 1971. Earlier, while visiting troops in Pasrur last week, he asserted that the military had “avenged” the 1971 war.
While staunch defence of the country and the ability to fend off unwarranted Indian aggression are indeed something to be thankful for, we must not let triumphalism and hyperbole cloud our view of history, particularly of an event as traumatic as the separation of the eastern wing.
The fact is that we have not had any national-level reckoning of the separation of East Pakistan, and the creation of Bangladesh. Resultantly, our rulers have, over the decades, continued to make the same mistakes that were made in the lead-up to the 1971 war. Political disputes in the former eastern wing were dealt with through administrative and later security steps, largely because of Ayub Khan’s long spell of military rule, followed by Yahya Khan’s mishandling of the crisis, which by that time had reached existential proportions.
Politicians in both wings were not free of blame either; but the fact is that it was the martial rulers of the time who bore the ultimate responsibility for the loss of the eastern wing. No doubt, India played an extremely damaging role, meddling in what was essentially Pakistan’s internal matter and abetted the break-up. Considering these grim facts, is it apt for Mr Sharif to describe the recent thwarting of India’s hostile designs as revenge for the loss of East Pakistan?
Instead of evoking triumphalism, the latest clash with India requires Pakistan to soberly reflect on both its internal and external challenges. Defence of the country is non-negotiable, and the administration along with the armed forces must remain vigilant.
Yet it is equally important to face our internal challenges with sagacity and determination. Amongst the foremost of these is countering the wave of terrorism afflicting the nation, as well as reviving the economy. Internal political reconciliation is also essential. In short, there is much work to be done.
Once we put Pakistan on the path to prosperity, where its people have health, education and sufficient employment, where constitutional protections are extended to each citizen, and there is peace in the larger neighbourhood, we can say that the losses of the past have been ‘avenged,’ and that Pakistan has risen.
Published in Dawn, May 24th, 2025
DAWN Editorials - 24th May 2025
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