Inflation, again
WITH petrol and diesel prices rising at a steady clip, households are bracing for another round of caustic price increases that burn into monthly budgets and force further belt-tightening.
The Sensitive Price Indicator, the weekly inflation gauge published by the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, was up 8.62pc for the week ended Sept 10 compared to a year ago. Onions, a staple in the local cuisine, had more than doubled in price. Fuel was sharply up: LPG 55pc dearer, and diesel and petrol costing 45pc and 39pc more, respectively, than a year ago. Wheat, another staple, was up 30pc from last year; electricity bills were higher by 25pc. Beef, mutton and chillies were also up by double digits.
It bears putting these numbers into perspective: the SPI is deliberately weighted towards tracking daily-use essentials that matter most to lower- and lower-middle-income households. In other words, these numbers represent the cost-of-living squeeze on ordinary Pakistanis.
Wages for the vast majority do not keep pace with inflation, which means ordinary people must adjust the only way they can: by reducing usage and consumption. As it is, the inflationary storm unleashed on Pakistan from 2022 onwards has set the vast majority years back in terms of quality of life. Recent statistics show that people are eating less than they did to make ends meet, which is in itself a startling indication of how badly the last bout of prolonged inflation affected households across the country.
There has been demand destruction at immense scale, and the local economy may struggle for years to escape this trap. The recent price pressures appear to be driven by the unending war in the Persian Gulf, which has roiled global markets for months now and affected Pakistan particularly intensely due to the country’s dependency on Gulf markets for its energy needs. And there is no indication it will end soon.
It is unfortunate that the government has yet to confront the challenge publicly, or show more than a cursory concern for the hardships of ordinary citizens. Granted global oil prices are not in its control, but there are other things it can do. Though the topic now seems taboo, it can still cut the petroleum levy to give relief; all it needs to do is fund the revenue shortfall from another means. It can squeeze undertaxed sectors that have traditionally enjoyed broad exemptions due to political reasons.
Authorities must also monitor the produce markets closely and step in to prevent hoarding and profiteering when needed. Inflation has a steep political cost, and lack of visible action will hurt the government in more ways than one. Silence cannot be a policy: at the very least, the citizenry needs an acknowledgment of the challenges they face and a plan to mitigate them.
Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2026
What may be said
PAKISTAN’S press freedom crisis is no longer something that can be dismissed as routine criticism. When nine rights and media organisations — including the Committee to Protect Journalists, Reporters Without Borders, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and the International Federation for Human Rights — warn Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif of a “rapidly deteriorating” environment, the alarm deserves a substantive response. Their concerns are specific: journalists have disappeared, faced detention and criminal investigations, been obstructed from reporting in parts of the country, and, allegedly under official pressure, lost jobs or been removed from air. The growing use of Peca and investigations by the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency have reinforced fears that laws framed to counter cybercrime and false information are being used to police journalism. Restrictions in AJK, internet and telecommunications blackouts, curbs on foreign correspondents, action against broadcasters, the blocking of Al Jazeera’s website, and allegations of pressure surrounding the removal of journalists from television all point to shrinking space for independent reporting. The government must recognise that invoking national security, public order or misinformation cannot provide open-ended justification for curbing legitimate public-interest journalism.
What is required now is action. The government should ensure the safe return of journalists Razi Tahir and Muhammad Saif, order transparent investigations into attacks such as that on reporter Mian Zahid Owaisi, and make the findings public. Allegations that state agencies or officials have pressured media organisations should be independently examined, while regulatory action against broadcasters must follow transparent legal processes. Curbs on foreign media and access to information should be reviewed and withdrawn where they cannot be justified. Most importantly, the government must revisit provisions of Peca that can be deployed against legitimate journalism and create safeguards against their misuse. The PM should convene media bodies, rights groups and legal experts to develop such protections and require accountability from agencies accused of intimidation. Press freedom is not a favour extended by the state. It is a constitutional safeguard and a prerequisite for democratic accountability. Pakistan’s journalists need due process, access to information, protection from coercion and an unequivocal commitment that critical reporting will not be treated as a crime.
Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2026
Lost in numbers
THE outrage against child abuse rages on. Sadly, state and society continue to bury their heads in the sand. All data points to the same bitter truths — most victims know their predators; incidents remain underreported; laws are rendered lifeless. Senator Sherry Rehman expressed deep concern over Pakistan’s “serious child protection crisis”, stressing “there can be no impunity for those who prey on children”. The scale is at an alarming level: 1,914 cases of violence and abuse against children were reported in the first half of 2026; 80pc occurred in Punjab. According to the data cited by the senator, 57pc were reported from urban centres with 43pc from rural regions. While 43pc of the accused were acquaintances of the victims, nearly 45pc of incidents took place within the child’s home.
The volume of injustice is monumental, though it is not confirmed whether the crimes were surging, or more were being reported. What is indisputable is the fact that the state’s response has exposed severe systemic failures. Although Pakistan has enough laws to protect the young — the NCCIA Punjab ensures speedy registration, investigation and prosecution for cases involving women and children through its dedicated cell — proof of success is scarce. Past debacles — from the 2015 pornography scandal involving hundreds of boys and girls in Kasur to the rape and murder of little Zainab Ansari in 2018 — have also failed to elicit a review of national priorities. An FIR is a recognition of harm not protection. Statutes, including the Criminal Law Amendment in 2016 and the Anti-Rape Act, alerts and movements must lead to an overhaul. Safeguards and psychosocial support for victims and their families, together with awareness and education must be made central. Abuse is not just detrimental to our children’s mental and physical well-being, it threatens their academic prospects, sets off self-destructive tendencies, and creates more abusers. Delayed justice is innocence lost.
Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2026