Six months on
IT has been six months since the US and Israel launched their war on Iran — a costly misadventure that remains far from being resolved. In fact, the threat of renewed hostilities is ever-present, despite efforts by regional states, such as Pakistan, Oman and Qatar, to revive peace talks.
The war has been a miscalculation of Trumpian proportions, and the US president and his coterie of war hawks have few ‘good’ options to save face and bring their troops home. Despite the decimation of its religious, political and military top tier in the first few days of the conflict, Iran — which is militarily no match for the US war machine — managed to defend itself, and now conservative factions within the Iranian establishment are unwilling to back down. Rather, they seem prepared to absorb the pain and play the long game with the Americans.
Yet instead of realising that the kinetic option has failed against Tehran, the US has stepped up its economic war against the Islamic Republic, warning sovereign states not to do business with Iran. While this action will impact the Iranian economy — which has survived sanctions for over four decades — it is unlikely to make Tehran raise the white flag, with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi saying, “pressure doesn’t work”.
Moreover, China, the world’s second biggest economy and a major trading partner of Iran, is not buying it. As the Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson said, Beijing “opposes illegal, unilateral sanctions”. Just as the US failed to defeat Iran on the battlefield, it may also fail on the economic front.
Wise nations learn from mistakes. But while wisdom may admittedly be in short supply in the White House at the moment, it is time the US put aside its ego and committed itself to finding a diplomatic solution with Iran. The nuclear issue consists of hype more than any credible Iranian threat, while the Strait of Hormuz blockade by Iran is a direct result of the US aggression, with Tehran using the key waterway as a bargaining chip to secure its interests and security.
The Islamabad MoU continues to offer the best available off-ramp to all sides, and both Washington and Tehran should return to the spirit of this document. The Iranian president has reaffirmed his country’s belief in dialogue; it is time President Donald Trump did the same.
Instead of playing global policeman, the US should re-evaluate its role in the Middle East. Let regional states — specifically Iran and the Arabs — reach a mutually acceptable security framework. If there is to be long-term peace in the region, the US and Israel must end their armed aggression against sovereign states, and allow the people of the region to work out solutions amongst themselves.
Published in Dawn, August 31st, 2026
Underused gateways
THE ADB’s newly approved $400m BUILD facility is a welcome investment in a problem that the Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation member nations, including Pakistan, have long neglected: the poor state of border crossings. The facility will modernise crossings along the CAREC corridors, replacing ageing infrastructure and manual procedures with digital clearance, better facilities and coordinated border management. The goal is right. Efficient borders can reduce the time and cost of moving goods and people and strengthen Pakistan’s position as a trade and transit route to Afghanistan and Central Asia. As ADB vice-president Leah Gutierrez observed, borders should be gateways to jobs and regional markets, not merely checkpoints. But infrastructure is only half the equation. Pakistan’s bigger problem is that there is remarkably little regional trade to move across its borders. Trade with the five Central Asian republics, for example, fell by more than half in FY26, from almost $444m to $219m. Even the earlier level was tiny for a country seeking to become a regional trade and transit hub.
The pattern extends across the neighbourhood. Trade with Afghanistan has been disrupted by border closures and poor relations. Commerce with Iran is negligible, and informal, constrained by US sanctions on Tehran. Trade with India has been largely suspended since 2019. China is the only exception. This leaves Pakistan investing in connectivity while remaining poorly connected economically to the markets around it. The problem is that the ADB can finance scanners, customs systems and border infrastructure but it cannot resolve disputes, mend bilateral ties or remove sanctions. A modern crossing is useless when the border is closed. This is not an argument against BUILD. It is an argument against mistaking infrastructure for regional trade policy. Pakistan should use the facility to make its borders faster, cheaper and more predictable, while addressing the barriers that keep them underused. Islamabad needs an honest assessment of which constraints are unavoidable and which are self-imposed. Political and security concerns may limit regional commerce, but prolonged closures, unpredictable trade policies and bureaucratic obstacles are choices. Pakistan needs better borders. But unless it also creates the conditions for more trade, it will only build gateways to markets it cannot reach.
Published in Dawn, August 31st, 2026
Modi’s hate policy
ORGANISED hate against the marginalised has defined Indian politics under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has urged India to address hate speech, discrimination and hate crimes, advising respect for rights and refraining from expelling Rohingya, Bengali-speaking Muslims and migrants. Racially motivated violence, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, torture and sexual abuse have also been highlighted. While law and order is the state’s duty, India Hate Lab data in 2025 showed that oppression thrived in BJP-ruled parts and fell in opposition-governed states. The pattern is set. Political leaders create the mood, the media broadcasts it, and BJP-linked elements get to work on the ground. The police look on.
Mr Modi’s political toolkit relies on incendiary rhetoric and divisive agendas that avert attention from government failures. This strategy has sustained his political career — the 2002 Gujarat pogrom marked his rise. But it is destroying India’s social fabric and disregarding the constitutional guarantee of impartiality. As global scrutiny mounts, India’s democratic credentials stand weakened. What stands out in the UN’s observations is how the government has exploited the caste matrix that divides Hindus “by function and social standing” with unspeakable cruelty. Rabid intolerance for inclusive and progressive values cannot surge without rulers granting impunity to offenders. That is how othering ensures silence and fear. Mr Modi’s regime has deepened social divisions, turned the Muslim identity into a slur and supervised a dramatic shift in the sociopolitical setting whereby historical truths have been erased from textbooks, and customs, including religious festivals, are being reframed to suit the BJP’s pitch of Hindutva supremacy. However, after the Cockroach Janta Party-led protests, opposition parties are taking a far more aggressive position against the oppression of both minorities and lower castes. Dictators are remembered by the bloodstains they leave behind.
Published in Dawn, August 31st, 2026