State of confusion
FROM the looks of it, America has no exit strategy to extricate itself from the disastrous war with Iran. US President Donald Trump has alternated between issuing bombastic threats to the Iranians, to claiming that peace was at hand, sometimes making a sharp U-turn within hours. This is not how responsible statecraft plays out.
In the past, he had threatened to destroy Iranian civilisation, while more recently he said the US was ready to use “Military Terror … not seen since World War II” against the Islamic Republic. In his latest pronouncement, the US leader has given Iran a “last chance” to choose between a “deal [or] total surrender”. The five-month-old war has shown that the Iranians have mostly remained unfazed by Mr Trump’s threats.
The chaos at the White House is understandable. Mr Trump jumped headfirst into the war on Feb 28 at Israel’s persuasion, without doing his homework. Perhaps if he had studied the mistakes his predecessors had made in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, he would have refrained from launching a new war. But the US leader is not known for deep reflection, not even on critical issues.
There are reports — officially denied by Washington — that the US is running low on key munitions, while many of America’s top generals have warned their bosses that there are no longer many good military options available. As per one report, Centcom has solicited, via email, “new creative and unconventional ways to … punish Iran”, from defence experts. In plain speak, there is policy chaos in Washington. Moreover, there are reports that the Saudis have asked the US to give diplomacy with Iran another try. Riyadh realises that immense destruction will engulf the region should another round of hostilities break out.
It is very difficult for leaders to admit they are wrong. But it is crucial for Mr Trump to realise that Operation ‘Epic Fury’ has been an epic failure. The US has achieved none of its objectives. Iran evidently retains its nuclear capabilities; it has pledged to continue supporting its regional armed allies; and its control over the Strait of Hormuz has only increased since the war began. In addition, the American and Israeli dream of regime change has completely backfired: the pragmatic old guard — assassinated by the US and Israel — has been replaced by an ideologically driven and much more hard-line new leadership.
From this point on, the US should shun its violent rhetoric and approach the Iranians with respect. Pakistan, which Iran has identified as a key mediator, can press on with its efforts to revive the Islamabad MoU. If it decides to continue with more threats, Washington will only sink deeper into the Iran quagmire, as the hard-liners in the Islamic Republic’s establishment seem determined to fight on.
Published in Dawn, August 5th, 2026
Pension decision
THE government’s decision to formally operationalise the new Defined Contribution Pension Fund Scheme is a step towards addressing one of the federal budget’s fastest growing liabilities. Signing agreements with fund managers regulated under the Voluntary Pension System Rules gives the scheme institutional cover it previously lacked. For government employees who fall under this framework, it should mean more predictable, professionally managed retirement savings, backed by a mandatory insurance component covering death and disability risk that the old defined-benefit system did not offer. The design carries discipline. Employees cannot access their pension account before retirement, and even then face a 25pc cap on lump-sum withdrawal, with the remainder invested for at least 20 years or until death. Portability between fund managers should keep returns competitive rather than captive.
None of this changes the existing pension problem facing the federal budget for at least a generation. The scheme applies only to employees appointed on or after July 1, 2024; everyone hired before that date remains on the unfunded pension, and federal pension expenditure is still projected at Rs1.17tr for 2026-27, up from Rs1.05tr the year before. The reform will not visibly ease this burden until the current workforce retires in significant numbers — a two- to three-decade horizon. Until then, the government carries the legacy pension bill alongside the new scheme’s 12pc employer contribution, meaning no near-term fiscal relief is on offer. The eventual inclusion of the armed forces is also important given that military pensions account for roughly Rs860bn of this year’s bill, compared with Rs300bn for civilian employees. The scheme, initially expected to begin last July, has been delayed amid consultations and security considerations. These concerns merit due thought, but a broader transition to a sustainable pension framework remains essential. Over time, extending the reform across the public sector would help contain the growing burden on the budget. The transition must therefore be viewed as the beginning of a longer process rather than a complete solution. Without such a transition, the state will continue to carry a growing legacy burden alongside new pension commitments. The objective should be to ensure that pension reform eventually delivers meaningful fiscal savings while preserving reasonable retirement security for public servants.
Published in Dawn, August 5th, 2026
Preventable deaths
THE deaths of 144 children from measles and diphtheria in Karachi during the first seven months of the year expose a grave failure of routine immunisation. That failure is evident in the large number of children who receive their earliest vaccines but are never brought back for the doses needed to complete their protection. Officials may cite a decline in reported cases, but that offers little comfort when hospitals continue to record such a devastating toll. The steep drop in vaccination coverage after birth is especially troubling: many children receive initial doses but miss later ones, leaving them only partially protected. Parents must take responsibility for completing vaccination schedules, but the state cannot reduce the crisis to parental negligence. Missed doses also reflect weak follow-up, poor counselling, misinformation, shortages of trained staff and uneven access in low-income and informal settlements. Healthcare providers share responsibility too. Every consultation with a child should include a check of immunisation status, counselling for caregivers and, where appropriate, administration of missed doses.
The response must move beyond occasional campaigns. Sindh needs a reliable digital immunisation register linked to birth records, with reminders before each dose and follow-up when appointments are missed. Mobile teams should regularly visit low-coverage neighbourhoods, while schools, clinics and hospitals should be required to verify vaccination records. Area-wise coverage and mortality data must be published so that gaps can be identified and district officials held accountable. Each vaccine-preventable death should be investigated to determine whether the failure involved access, misinformation, delayed referral or poor treatment. Community health workers, teachers and religious leaders should be enlisted to counter myths, while vaccine stocks, diphtheria antitoxin and referral systems must remain dependable. Above all, the government should treat routine immunisation as a permanent door-to-door public service rather than an emergency exercise launched after outbreaks.
Published in Dawn, August 5th, 2026