Fragile economic recovery
The reignition of tensions in the Middle East is worrying planners in the Ministry of Finance, who are now accepting that inflation is going to be a major problem going forward. As much as they tried to show off a silver lining - recent reports highlight that macroeconomic stabilisation has been "largely achieved" and growth momentum sustained. But no amount of optimism can mask the fact that we are almost entirely reliant on imported fuel for our energy needs. As oil prices rise, our economy frays.
Data from the first phase of the conflict - prior to the Islamabad Memorandum's ceasefire - backs up public concerns. At the height of the initial US-Iran fighting in May, Pakistan's inflation hit a brutal two-year high of 11.7%, driven largely by a staggering 36.8% year-on-year surge in transport costs. Brent crude already surpassed $100 a barrel amid fresh attacks, and despite a recent price decline, some analysts warn it could exceed $120 if the Strait of Hormuz remains disrupted. The finance ministry itself acknowledges that normalisation of global energy prices remains contingent on a "durable and lasting peace agreement between the US and Iran" - a prospect that looks increasingly distant as the US continues to move further away from its stated goals in the conflict.
Closer to home, our unending source of foreign exchange has hit a roadblock, as remittances are expected to dry up due to the impact of the war on most of our top remittance sources. Meanwhile, several businesses are facing direct fallout due to inflation and non-price issues, making it harder for them to pay their employees well or even keep the doors open.
Pakistan did not choose this war, but it must live with its consequences. The government's consideration of targeted subsidies is welcome, but band-aid solutions cannot substitute for a fundamental recalibration of the country's energy and fiscal frameworks.
Normalised tragedy
For Pakistan's coal miners, the greatest danger has never been the darkness beneath the earth but the indifference above it. Negligence this time has cost the lives of 34 workers in the Sorange coalfield near Quetta, where a methane gas explosion triggered a fire, collapsed two mines and trapped dozens underground.
This was a preventable disaster in an industry where safety regulations are routinely ignored and accountability rarely extends beyond the announcement of compensation and yet another inquiry. Pakistan's coalfields have witnessed this repeatedly, and every such accident serves as reminders that the country's miners continue to work in conditions that would be unacceptable almost anywhere else. Methane explosions are among the most predictable hazards in underground coal mining. Modern mining operations rely on continuous gas monitoring systems and proper ventilation. The absence of these basic requirements is either deliberate cost-cutting by mine operators or weak regulatory oversight by the authorities. Neither excuse is acceptable. Every major accident should therefore prompt difficult questions. Were mandatory inspections carried out? Were methane levels being monitored? Had previous safety violations been identified, and if so, why were operations allowed to continue? Unless these questions are answered publicly and transparently, inquiries will remain little more than damage-control exercises. It also must be realised that most miners come from impoverished communities with few alternative sources of employment. They descend thousands of feet underground because economic desperation leaves them with little choice, not because they willingly accept life-threatening working conditions. The least the state and mine owners owe them is a workplace where basic safety standards are treated as a legal obligation rather than an optional expense.
Compensation cannot substitute accountability. No amount paid to bereaved families can erase the loss of a breadwinner or absolve those whose negligence made the disaster possible.
The system syndrome
The contention that the present system is not delivering is not new. It has been debated for decades, as we experimented with democracy, authoritarianism, technocratic setups, and, of course, a hybrid dispensation. The fact is that governance is infected with lethargy, corruption, and a sense of ad hocism. For this, no single entity or party is to be blamed, and thus finger-pointing is of no use. We are all in it, and each one of us who has had the opportunity to be at the helm is responsible for this sordid state of affairs. The admission from Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi that the system has 'collapsed' should come as an opportunity in disaster to kick-start a dialogue among all the stakeholders, including even those who stand 'outlawed' and 'marginalised'. The discourse will surely lead to tangible recommendations for nation-building in all sincerity.
Pakistan's pivotal concerns in terms of good governance have been the absence of the rule of law, weak national institutions exposed to interference, and non-abidance of the Constitution. Coupled with this is our inability to reorient a viable economic system, despite being rich in natural resources and having a four-season agrarian landscape. Adding to the misery is the lack of industrialisation and our poor investment in education, health, and the social tiers of public empowerment, as well as the phenomenon of a population explosion. All these have impacted our national upbringing, and the populace now rightly complains of injustice, uneven distribution of resources, and a lopsided legal-political system that is inefficient to the core.
The point is that there is no quick fix, either. Carving out more administrative units or provinces, as indicated by the interior minister, is only one aspect of a complicated paradigm. All that is desired is an open-ended debate on our system of government by carefully studying adaptations that can work wonders within our limited resources. The treasury, opposition, minorities, and civil society must sit in judgment for a thorough introspection of our ills and recommend remedies. Dislodging one stratum to experiment with a new paradigm is no solution.