Express Tribune Editorials 23rdAugust 2026

Testing times

Just days after celebrating the end of a three-year away Test drought, the Pakistan cricket team has delivered a sobering reminder of where it actually stands. England's innings-and-103-run thrashing at Headingley, Leeds laid bare every structural flaw that has plagued Pakistan cricket for a generation. One of the most telling stats was the fact that both of Pakistan's innings only lasted for a total of 86 overs. We were bowled out twice in the equivalent of less than a day's play. If not for the rain on the second day, the match could have ended in just two days. Ollie Robinson and Josh Tongue shredded the Pakistan line-up, taking 16 wickets between them.

The massive defeat also wipes away all the optimism generated earlier this month, when we broke an eight-test losing streak at the end of the tour of the West Indies. At the time, we had noted that even in victory, Team Pakistan had shown inconsistency, carelessness and recklessness – traits that were readily on display at Leeds. But while the victory in the Caribbean saw the team's raw talent paper over some of the negatives, the implosion last week exposed them. The absence of recently reinstated captain Babar Azam was certainly felt, but his presence alone would not have been enough. Even at our worst, the Pakistan teams of the past were feared for their ability to make magic. Unfortunately, with 17 losses in our last 20 tests, the wizards of the past seem to have been replaced by failed street magicians.

The disaster has been coming for a long time. Though we were the world's top-ranked test team about a decade ago under Misbahul Haq, it was despite the flaws in our domestic cricket structure. Tournament structures change from year to year. Domestic team managements seems disinterested in developing players. Players don't play enough first-class cricket as everyone is trying to make a quick buck off T20 competitions. To fix the team, we must fix the system. But to fix the system, the PCB needs to be a meritocracy, run by people who care about the game and want to do their jobs full time.

Global heat emergency

Germany's record heat-related death toll this summer should be a warning far beyond Europe. An estimated 14,000 people have died from heat-related causes in Germany this year, according to the Robert Koch Institute, with around 9,600 deaths occurring during a single week in late June when temperatures crossed 40°C in parts of the country. More than 10,000 of the estimated deaths were among people aged 75 and above.

In other parts of the world, France has reported more than 7,300 excess deaths during heatwaves this summer while Spain has recorded nearly 4,500 heat-related deaths since June 1. These numbers are not directly comparable because countries use different methods and reporting periods, but together they demonstrate the growing health burden of extreme heat. The economic consequences are also becoming harder to ignore. Germany's drought and heat have damaged crops and lowered water levels in major rivers used for cargo transport. Across Europe, fires have devastated forests and forced evacuations. More than 576,000 hectares had burned across Europe by mid-August. This is where the debate over climate policy needs greater honesty. Mitigation remains essential. Reducing greenhouse gas emissions is the only way to limit the longer-term escalation of global temperatures. But the consequences of past emissions are already being experienced.

It must be realised that prevention has limits when extreme conditions are becoming more frequent and severe. It is no longer enough to issue warnings once temperatures have already risen. Governments need to rethink what constitutes essential infrastructure in a warming climate. The real test of climate preparedness is not whether governments can accurately forecast a heatwave. It is whether that forecast triggers enough action to prevent people from dying. This summer's terrible figures suggest that Europe still has considerable work to do.

A grand opposition?

The Supreme Court's directive to transfer Imran Khan to a private hospital – coupled with the government's defiance and talks of a grand opposition alliance – has decisively shattered Pakistan's political quietude. This flurry of activity has electrified the political landscape. In particular, the contempt of court petition filed by the PTI is poised to trigger far-reaching consequences across both the legal and governance screens.

The most critical development, however, is the convergence of estranged political forces - specifically Maulana Fazalur Rehman's JUI-F and its intent to join a broad-based parliamentary opposition. This alliance will provide a massive shot in the arm to the six-party TTAP, lending a much sharper, more categorical edge to their dissent. This consolidation offers a rare glimmer of hope: it revives the role of parliament as the primary arena for dismantling the roadblocks to political stability. Furthermore, the PPP's stated interest in building a broader national consensus around opposition forces is a promising sign, though the party must now walk the talk.

This realignment within the opposition's rank and file coincides with a renewed debate over the creation of new provinces. While all major political forces, including the PTI, broadly support the establishment of new administrative units, the conversation must now pivot toward equitable resource disbursement and effective governance. Parochial political assumptions, driven merely by the whims of dominant parties, must yield to the genuine inclusion of peripheral forces - an essential step to dismantling entrenched regionalism.

Moving forward, the opposition must champion a reconciliation agenda centred on strengthening national institutions, repealing legislation that undermines the spirit of the 1973 Constitution, establishing a truly impartial Election Commission, and securing the release of all political prisoners. Ultimately, all stakeholders must align in the greater national interest.