The Nation Editorials 11th August 2026

A Constructive Response

The Makkah Joint Defence Agreement was always likely to generate unease in Tehran. A new collective security arrangement involving Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkiye inevitably raises questions in Iran, particularly given the history of rivalry across the Persian Gulf and the uncertainty surrounding how the pact may evolve.

Some scepticism among Iranian politicians and commentators is therefore understandable. What matters more, however, is the response of the Iranian government itself, and so far that response has been notably measured and constructive.

Iran’s foreign ministry has chosen not to portray the agreement as a threat. Instead, spokesperson Esmaeil Baqaei has interpreted it as evidence of a wider change in regional thinking, arguing that recent developments have persuaded regional states that their security cannot remain dependent upon outside powers.

Drainage Reform
More significantly, Tehran has explicitly stated that it sees no reason to believe the agreement is directed against Iran. By highlighting Iran’s historical and civilisational ties with Pakistan, Turkiye and Saudi Arabia, the foreign ministry has attempted to place the pact within the broader context of regional cooperation rather than confrontation.

Such language can help soothe nerves on both sides of the Persian Gulf at a particularly sensitive moment. Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkiye have repeatedly maintained that the pact is defensive and not directed against any state. Tehran’s willingness, at least publicly, to accept that framing reduces the likelihood of an unnecessary cycle of suspicion.

Economic Self-Defence
Of course, diplomatic statements and calculations behind closed doors are not always the same. Iran will undoubtedly study the agreement carefully, as will every major regional actor.

But the pact is still in its infancy. At this stage, constructive language matters. Iran could easily have greeted the agreement with hostility and immediately complicated regional diplomacy. Instead, it has left the door open to dialogue and even broader regional security cooperation.

Unnecessary Controversy

The opposition alliance has made its share of political mistakes. Its strategy has too often oscillated between confrontation and retreat, with demands for engagement at one moment followed by withdrawal from avenues of federal coordination at another. Such inconsistency weakens its political case and allows the government to dismiss legitimate criticism as part of a broader campaign of agitation.

Yet governments also create political space for their opponents through their own avoidable failures. The continuing uncertainty surrounding the Election Commission of Pakistan is a particularly glaring example.

Drainage Reform
The statutory terms of Chief Election Commissioner Sikandar Sultan Raja and the ECP members from Sindh and Balochistan expired on January 26, 2025. More than a year later, their successors have still not been appointed. Although the 26th Constitutional Amendment allows incumbents to remain in office until replacements are named, that provision was surely intended to prevent an institutional vacuum, not to normalise indefinite delay.

The matter should never have been allowed to fester for this long.

Election administration is among the most politically sensitive functions of the state, particularly in an environment where electoral legitimacy remains fiercely contested. Leaving key ECP appointments unresolved creates unnecessary room for legitimate criticism, encourages speculation regarding political motives and provides fresh ammunition to the opposition’s broader narrative of institutional unfairness.

Economic Self-Defence
On this issue, Opposition Leader Mehmood Khan Achakzai is right to demand immediate movement. The Constitution provides a mechanism involving consultation between the prime minister and leader of the opposition. That process should begin without further delay, with the appointments handled transparently and according to constitutional requirements.

The government may disagree with Achakzai and the opposition alliance on almost everything else. That is beside the point. There is simply no political or institutional benefit in allowing this controversy to continue. The vacancies should be resolved immediately.

Build, Not Tax

Pakistan’s automobile landscape has changed dramatically since the last auto policy was formulated in 2021. Electric and new-energy vehicles have moved from the margins towards the centre of the market, Chinese manufacturers have expanded rapidly, established assemblers face genuine competition, and consumers now have choices that would have seemed unlikely only a few years ago.

The new policy must recognise that this is not a temporary disruption. Electrification is the direction in which the global automobile industry is moving, and Pakistan has an unusual opportunity to keep pace.

Drainage Reform
The country also possesses an advantage that should not be underestimated. Solar power has spread extraordinarily quickly among middle-income households and businesses, creating a natural complement to electric mobility. A household already producing part of its electricity through solar has an obvious economic incentive to consider an EV. As battery prices fall, charging infrastructure expands and more models enter the market, that relationship will only become stronger.

There will inevitably be pressure on the government to treat this emerging market primarily as another source of revenue. With the IMF pressing the finance ministry to increase revenues and reduce concessions, higher taxes on EVs, hybrids and related technologies may appear tempting. Early policy signals already suggest that this instinct exists.

Economic Self-Defence
It would be a mistake.

The better approach is to accelerate adoption through carefully designed incentives for both consumers and manufacturers, while linking industrial support to localisation, technology transfer and domestic value addition.

Pakistan has fallen behind the world in too many technological sectors. In electric mobility, however, Pakistan is not arriving decades late. It is participating in the transition while it is still unfolding and, in areas such as distributed solar adoption, may even possess advantages over wealthier economies.

The new auto policy should therefore resist the urge to extract maximum revenue from a young industry. It should instead help build one.