The Nation Editorials 20th August 2026

The Usual

The timid, wavering flame of political reconciliation was never expected to burn particularly bright. But neither was it expected to be blown out by a strong gust of wind the very next morning. Yet here we are.

The federal government’s decision to seek a review of the Supreme Court order concerning Imran Khan’s medical treatment has immediately returned politics to familiar territory. Only briefly had there appeared to be some space for restraint, accommodation and a lowering of temperatures. That space has already narrowed again.

The government has put forward legal arguments for its petition, including questions over prison rules, equal treatment of prisoners and the scope of interim relief. It is entitled to pursue those arguments before the court. Politically, however, the consequences are equally clear.

What Holds Pakistani Students Back?
For the PTI, the review will inevitably be presented as another attempt to target its incarcerated leader. It will add fuel to already fiery speeches and reinforce the opposition’s claims. Whether or not that interpretation is legally justified is almost beside the point; politically, it was entirely predictable.

There is, of course, considerable irony here. When in power, the PTI was hardly restrained in its pursuit of PML-N leaders through investigations, arrests and legal cases. Pakistan’s political parties have repeatedly discovered the dangers of punitive politics only after moving from government benches to the opposition.

Climate Warning
That cycle will continue until one side decides to break it.

The government must therefore understand that its review petition is not taking place in a political vacuum. It has made a calculated decision and will have to live with its consequences, including any setback it causes to the already fragile reconciliation process.

The country still desperately needs a viable path back towards functional democratic politics, where government and opposition can remain fierce rivals while retaining a working relationship.

Digital Literacy

The government’s revenue collection drive appears to be proceeding full steam ahead, with new initiatives being launched at regular intervals. The intention is understandable. Pakistan needs to broaden its tax base, bring more businesses into the formal economy and make compliance less cumbersome. Yet good intentions must still be matched by practical methods.

The launch of the Fixed Tax Asaan Scheme mobile application is, on paper, a sensible step. Small traders and shopkeepers can register, calculate their liabilities, make payments and file returns without navigating paperwork or repeatedly visiting tax offices. The availability of the form in Urdu, with more regional languages promised, is also welcome.

What Holds Pakistani Students Back?
But digitisation is only convenient for those who are digitally literate.

That is an assumption the government cannot safely make when dealing with Pakistan’s vast small-trader community. Many shopkeepers may be perfectly capable businesspeople while still being uncomfortable with smartphone applications, digital forms, PSIDs and electronic payments. For them, replacing a complicated physical process with a complicated digital one does not necessarily amount to simplification.

This is where the government must expand its thinking. Digital literacy should be treated as part of the tax reform itself, not as somebody else’s problem. Regional Tax Offices, chambers of commerce and trader associations could be used to establish help desks, demonstrations and short training sessions. Simple video guides in Urdu and regional languages could also make adoption considerably easier.

Climate Warning
Pakistan certainly needs a simpler and less intimidating tax system, and technology can help deliver one. But an application is merely a tool. Its success will depend on whether the people expected to use it can actually do so with confidence.

Without that investment in digital literacy, the Asaan Scheme risks becoming another shiny government platform that attracts attention at launch and lies largely unused a few months later.

Eyes Open

The announced visit of the Syrian foreign minister, coupled with Pakistan’s condemnation of Israeli attacks on Damascus, represents a new angle in Islamabad’s Middle Eastern diplomacy. It is potentially significant, but it will not be straightforward.

Pakistan and Syria have not maintained sustained high-level engagement for nearly two decades. Yet the Syria Pakistan is now engaging is very different from the one with which it once dealt.

The political order that emerged under Ahmed al-Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, is viewed by many in the region through the prism of the wider US-Israeli contest with Iran. His rise severed a crucial link between Iran and Lebanon and altered the regional balance. Syria itself remains fragmented and vulnerable, teeming with CIA and Mossad activity alongside other competing intelligence, military and political interests. The country is, in effect, being steadily Balkanised as rival powers consolidate their spheres of influence.

What Holds Pakistani Students Back?
For Pakistan, this creates an uncomfortable diplomatic equation. Islamabad has strengthened its strategic alignment with Saudi Arabia and Türkiye through the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement while simultaneously maintaining important relations with Iran. Developing ties with Damascus under its new leadership must therefore be handled without appearing to endorse a wider US-Israeli project aimed at permanently marginalising Tehran.

Yet disengagement would be the worst option.

Pakistan’s emerging foreign policy has increasingly favoured inclusive diplomacy: speaking to competing powers without allowing one relationship to automatically exclude another. Syria should be approached in the same spirit. Islamabad should engage Damascus, maintain communication with Tehran, coordinate closely with its MJDA partners and continue opposing violations of Syrian sovereignty.

Climate Warning
That requires entering the relationship with open eyes. Pakistan must know precisely who it is negotiating with, understand the interests operating behind Syria’s shifting power structure, and keep its own national interests firmly at the forefront.