DAWN Editorials 16th September 2026

Politics and protests

IT is the same tired play. As soon as the opposition announces a protest, the government reflexively cracks down. Citizens are roughed up and arrested, and the security officials who round them up later collect medals for their services.

There are no consequences for this abuse of state power. Indeed, it increasingly appears that the lead-up to a protest, and not the protest itself, is where the real political battle is fought. And all this is playing out at the moment on television screens and social media, as the PTI prepares for its Sept 27 march on Islamabad to demand its jailed founder’s release. The machinery of the state has kicked into action all over the country, armed with the usual pretexts of ‘prevention of violence’ and ‘protection of public infrastructure and property’.

The actions taken to thwart the march appear to be many. At least 155, perhaps more, preventive detention orders have been issued under the MPO; lists have been drawn up of PTI leaders and workers for further ‘preventive arrests’; police personnel’s leaves have been cancelled; containers and roadblocks are being prepared; restrictions have been placed on rallies and public gatherings; and Section 144 has been implemented in Punjab, with plans of a broader rollout soon.

Authorities undoubtedly have a responsibility to maintain order, and reasonable measures to discharge that responsibility are legitimate. But half a dozen overlapping instruments, deployed against a political party’s leadership and rank and file, cannot be considered reasonable by any stretch. Sadly, such actions only give the impression that even calls for protest are considered a thought crime in our society.

The heavy-handedness with which the government has been curtailing the opposition’s ability to exercise its lawful political rights should not be overlooked. Every democracy allows its citizens to express their will in different ways, including through peaceful public protests. That the government can and will prosecute political leaders and workers who actually break the law is not in dispute; the state has every right to respond firmly when violent protest tactics are employed deliberately.

However, the point is that deterrents already exist and do not require the pre-emptive detention of people who have broken no law. Past protests may have turned violent, but that history cannot be used as a justification to arbitrarily suspend constitutional rights for those who have caused no offence.

It is time to stop treating dissent as a security threat and allow the public a peaceful outlet to air its grievances. The consequences of not ceding that space gracefully will only grow more severe with time. A government confident in its own legitimacy does not need to criminalise the mere anticipation of a protest. Ours, evidently, is not that confident.

Published in Dawn, September 16th, 2026

Prudent move

THE State Bank’s decision to hold the policy rate at 11.5pc is the right one. With seven of the 10 members voting for the status quo, the Monetary Policy Committee has, with reason, resisted the wider business pressure — and temptation — to revert to monetary policy easing in an uncertain global economic environment exacerbated by the war in the Middle East. The case for a pause is even stronger today than it was a few months ago despite external sector stability and improved macroeconomic fundamentals. These are encouraging developments for an economy that has repeatedly been constrained by its external account. But the improvement should not be mistaken for the end of the crisis. The regional situation that appeared to be moving towards resolution a few weeks ago now looks uncertain. Oil supplies remain vulnerable to disruptions while uncertainty over shipping, energy routes and regional security continues. For an import-dependent economy such as Pakistan, a renewed oil shock could quickly widen the import bill, push inflation higher and put pressure on the rupee.

The latest inflation numbers underline that risk. Headline inflation accelerated sharply to 11.1pc in August from 9.2pc in July, showing how quickly supply-side pressures can return. The SBP acknowledges that inflation risks have risen significantly. This makes monetary policy particularly difficult. Cutting rates now would hardly provide any support to investment and domestic demand. Rather, it would risk adding to external and inflationary pressures if the regional shock intensifies. How inflation and interest rates move in the coming months will largely be determined by energy prices and the duration of the regional disruption. A premature rate cut is not necessary to achieve the modest growth recovery of 3.5-4.5pc, particularly when monetary conditions have already eased substantially from their previous punishing levels. For now, therefore, the continuation of the pause is desirable. The economy has gained some breathing space, but the external environment remains too uncertain for a rate cut. The central bank should preserve its room to respond if the regional crisis produces another oil or balance-of-payment shock. Instead of demanding lower rates at this moment, the business community should be calling for real reforms: the ones required to broaden the tax net, fix the energy sector, ensure policy predictability and improve export competitiveness.

Published in Dawn, September 16th, 2026

Shunning sexism

THE language used for females in the country betrays gender insensitivity and bias. Crass sexism, outdated attitudes and misplaced ideas of moral autonomy dominate politics, the police and media. As a result, justice and equality remain out of reach for women. Against this backdrop, the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling — protecting women requires a shift in mindset and in the investigation and adjudication of domestic violence “through a gender-sensitive lens” — is a ray of hope. The judgement on a case of domestic murder stresses that the tragedy is not only a woman’s killing behind closed doors, but also that the truth can be shut out; exposing it is the legal system’s duty. Domestic violence is seen as a crime that is difficult to prove. What this denotes is that a wife’s murder in private confines, controlled by the criminal, results in the destruction of evidence and silenced witnesses. Briefly, crimes in private spaces are not private matters.

Beyond sensitising the police, and holding investigating officers accountable for slipshod action, chauvinistic biases must be confronted with increased female representation in the criminal justice system. Presently, women form a sorry 2pc of the superior judiciary and less than 15pc of the subordinate judiciary. More women police personnel would mean a better first point of contact for victims. In the medico-legal and prosecution fields, their presence makes the process both survivor-centric and effective. Then there is the unfortunate fact that internalised patriarchy on the part of some women, too, worsens matters. Stereotypes are then reinforced by the media through films and plays, as well as by politicians whose erroneous notions impact both law enforcement and society. Men in power must accept that promises of prosperity will not be realised in an environment where primitive conditioning restricts female inclusion, gender sensitivity, and accountability for the callous.

Published in Dawn, September 16th, 2026