DAWN Editorials 6th August 2026

Need for dialogue

THE interior minister’s comments at an Islamabad seminar last week have sparked many a conversation about the state of the ‘system’. Political leaders, as well as commentators, are all weighing in on the significance of his remarks, as he is seen to be close to those that matter in Pakistan.

At the event, Mohsin Naqvi had spoken, among other things, of the need for political parties to start a dialogue, and for national leaders to put aside their differences and discuss governance issues. Picking up on this thread, JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman, while addressing an event in Quetta on Tuesday, stressed the need for holding a multiparty moot to discuss national problems, though he was critical of Mr Naqvi’s call for new provinces. Speaking before the interior minister’s comments, the PTI had last month similarly called for a ‘grand national dialogue’ involving political parties, the establishment and civil society.

As the maulana said, “force alone cannot resolve the country’s political and security issues”. The only way out of the quagmire is sustained political engagement, and a pledge by all stakeholders to stand by the constitutional arrangement. There have been some attempts in the past, after the 2022 upheaval, to kick off a grand political dialogue, but none of these have succeeded.

Yet, since there is once again a feeling amongst the political tribes that dialogue is essential, and even those close to the powers that be have spoken of the need for engagement, a fresh attempt at reconciliation should be attempted. No doubt, this not an easy exercise to undertake as the trust deficit between the opposition and the ruling set-up is immense. But surely a moderate approach from both sides can break the ice.

There is precedent from the past that can be emulated. Two decades ago, the PPP and PML-N signed the Charter of Democracy to bury the hatchet, and promised to strengthen the democratic system. A similar approach can be tried now to break the current deadlock. But for any such attempt to succeed, there must be complete political freedom, and respect for fundamental rights.

The issues confronting Pakistan are monumental. They include violent terrorist insurgencies in two provinces, as well as socioeconomic disaffection across the country, while there is geopolitical volatility on nearly every border. These issues demand a national response. They cannot be addressed if the polity remains fractured.

Differences between parties and groups are natural. But by addressing these in a democratic fashion, a way forward can be found. Both the government and opposition should support calls for national reconciliation and dialogue, and political veterans must take the initiative to get the ball rolling.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2026

Bad press

THE government’s move to impose restrictions on international media will not only alienate the foreign press, it will also hamper the state’s own efforts to improve Pakistan’s image abroad. To recall, the government recently mandated that anyone working for foreign media must now seek a no-objection certificate if they wish to report from anywhere apart from Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi. These new rules, named in typically Orwellian fashion the ‘Foreign Media Facilitation Guidelines’, supposedly “provide an administrative mechanism” for verification, coordination and facilitating access to foreign publications, according to the government. However, given the latter’s unforgiving reaction to a recent foreign media report on the polls in Azad Kashmir, which seems to have catalysed their formulation, it is clear that ‘facilitation’ is not quite what these rules are meant to achieve.

The rules require “foreign media houses, organisations and outlets working in Pakistan and all eligible journalists, media owners, media professionals, sources, freelancers, sponsors, fixers, attached persons, assignees etc, of Pakistan working or contributing for them” to seek accreditation and registration with the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. Additionally, any Pakistani organisation or individual working with or facilitating foreign media “in any capacity” is also required to register with the ministry’s External Publicity Wing. Buried within the rules is a provision that accreditation may be suspended or withdrawn if a journalist is judged to have acted against the country’s ideology, sovereignty, security or public order. This exposes Pakistani journalists, fixers, translators and drivers who work with foreign journalists to possible retribution if the state does not like what international media publishes. What is the need for all this? Misinformation is answered with facts, and the state has no shortage of them at its disposal. With rules like these, the government is only making itself look like the villain in the eyes of the press. The guidelines must be withdrawn, or at the very least stripped of the NOC requirement and open-ended grounds for cancelling accreditation. A country that can be reported on only by permission will simply be reported on from a distance, by people forced to rely on second-hand accounts and harbouring an uncharitable view of the country’s leadership. The picture that will emerge will be less flattering; and the government will have no one but itself to blame for it.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2026

Automobile concerns

PAKISTAN’S automobile industry is at a critical juncture. Sharp cuts in tariffs on the import of completely built vehicles in the current budget, risk weakening the domestic auto manufacturing base. The issue is whether policymakers want to strengthen local auto engineering or cede the market to imports. Consumers deserve lower prices but through greater local competition, and not policies that weaken industrial development. With assembly plants operating below capacity and parts manufacturers struggling, abrupt liberalisation would weaken the domestic automotive value chain. Local manufacturing depends on economies of scale, ongoing investment in technology, and predictable policy. Successful automotive hubs in Asia nurtured domestic production with carefully sequenced protection, while demanding greater localisation and higher quality standards.

We should adopt a similar approach. A stable, long-term auto policy can reassure investors while linking tariff protection to measurable performance. Assemblers should be required to deepen localisation, invest in R&D, improve quality and expand exports in return for continued protection. Such a strategy would strengthen the vendor industry, create skilled employment and reduce dependence on imported parts. There is also the issue of incentives. The government’s willingness to provide tax relief for hybrid and plug-in hybrid vehicles — too costly for ordinary households — raises concerns. Cleaner transport is a worthy aim but incentives should not disproportionately benefit buyers of premium hybrid vehicles, while middle-income families are priced out of the market. A balanced approach would direct fiscal support towards small, locally assembled cars. Such steps would stimulate demand where it matters most, increase production, boost local auto vendors and generate jobs across the manufacturing chain. They would also complement environmental goals by encouraging the replacement of older, less efficient vehicles with modern, lower-emission alternatives. Industrial policy is ultimately about choosing where scarce public resources deliver the greatest long-term return.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2026